Volume 3 (2008)
Issue 1
Issue 1 at Brill.comContents
Halvard Leira and Iver Neumann
Abstract
The consular institution has regularly been viewed by academics and practitioners alike as the poor sibling of diplomacy: as a career sidetrack or tour of duty for aspiring ambassadors; and as an example devoid of all the intrigue and politics by historians and theoreticians of diplomacy. Through a detailed case study of the emergence and development of consular representation in Norway, this article demonstrates that any comprehensive history of diplomacy must include a history of the consular institution; that the history of the consular institution is nevertheless not reducible to a history of diplomacy; and that studying the consular institution offers up fresh perspectives on the social practices of representation and state formation.
Ana Mar Fernández
Abstract
In recent years there has been increasing interest in the literature regarding the changes that European integration has meant for the external administration of the member states. This article seeks to contribute to this study through analysis of an area that has received little attention until now: the Europeanization of consular affairs in the field of visa issuance. The article analyses the common visa policy and discusses its consequences for member states' management of overseas consular affairs. The main conclusion reached is that this policy has been a catalyst for change in the working of consular services, which have become part of networks of intergovernmental cooperation and have been progressively informed by Community norms and procedures. However, it would be premature to say that this process of change is paving the way for the emergence of a European consular administrative sphere. For the moment, the integrated management of consular affairs in the field of visas continues to be a mainly state-controlled process.
Ingrid d'Hooghe
Abstract
In recent months China's public diplomacy has had to move into high gear. Recent problems with the safety of China's food and toys exports, Beijing's close relations with the regimes of Sudan and Myanmar, and telling pictures of China's environmental problems on newspaper front pages have seriously undermined the projected image of China as a reliable and responsible world power. Even more importantly, these issues have a direct negative impact on China's economy and domestic political situation. If the safety issue is not dealt with adequately, the label 'Made in China' may become known as 'Buyer Beware' and exports may plummet. If China distances itself too much from the international mainstream on Sudan and Myanmar, the call by various non-governmental groups and Hollywood individuals for a boycott of the Beijing Olympic Games of 2008 may gain support and lead to actions that could blemish or even disrupt the Games. The Olympics have become a two-edged sword: a major public diplomacy tool for China but also an international stick to urge the Chinese government to step up its compliance to international norms and values. These recent developments illustrate the importance of image and public diplomacy for a country that is rising to play a more substantial role in world politics and economics.
Joshua Smilovitz and Tereza Capelos
Abstract
This article examines the role of negative emotions in the process of international mediation. In particular, it investigates how perceptions of disputant negative emotions influence the tactics that mediators employ. Using the classification of mediator tactics into communicator, formulator or manipulator, the article argues that communicator- or formulator-oriented tactics are adopted more frequently when a mediator perceives negative emotions, such as anger or fear. The results of a web survey of North American mediators that classified mediation tactics are presented. The authors also interviewed international mediators and diplomats who have formally or informally, officially or unofficially, mediated intra-state and inter-state conflicts. Mediators are found to be more inclined to assume communicator- or formulator-oriented tactics when confronted with negative emotions. Our empirical analysis of negative emotions sheds light on the choice of mediation tactics in the field of international mediation, and offers valuable insights to scholars and practitioners of negotiation, diplomacy, international relations and political science.
Renée Jones-Bos and Monique van Daalen
Abstract
Since the 1990s, the demand for consular services has expanded enormously, together with citizens' high expectations and increased demands for quality. Combined with greater visibility through the arrival of new media and growing public interest in politics, this requires much flexibility from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In spite of increased cooperation among European partners in a number of fields, one central 'European consular service' will not materialize for the time being, because consular affairs are still very much interwoven with domestic politics. This article highlights the most important trends and developments in consular services of the last twenty years. On the basis of a number of cases, the authors indicate how the Dutch Ministry of Foreign Affairs has reacted to these trends and developments. The Ministry's aim is to maintain high standards and to improve where necessary, through major investments in new instruments, improved public information, continuous staff training and more intensive cooperation with civil society organizations.
Giorgio Porzio
Abstract
Article 20 (EC) is the first tangible expression of EU citizenship. By developing 'universal' consular protection, EU member states strive to reach two objectives: making sure that no one is left unprotected; and sharing the burden of assistance, especially in remote areas. This, however, is no easy feat, as member states are ultimately responsible for protecting and assisting their citizens. Recent events, such as the Indian Ocean tsunami or the mass evacuation from Lebanon, have proved that cooperation is the only way ahead, since no consular network can cope on its own with situations such as these. The question, then, is how to allow European consular cooperation to fulfil all of its promises without diminishing the effectiveness and perception of national responsibilities.
Publication date: 1 January 2008
Issue 2
Issue 2 at Brill.comContents
Tomoko Akami
Abstract
This article argues that what we now call public diplomacy emerged in the mid- to late 1930s in the case of Japan. It questions the notion that public diplomacy is new in contrast to 'traditional' diplomacy. It also questions the conventional understanding of Japan's diplomatic isolationism of the 1930s. The article argues that as a result of greater mass political participation, the idea of 'international public opinion' emerged as a new norm in inter-war international politics. States increasingly regarded news and cultural activities as crucial resources of their soft power for winning this international public opinion. Responding to technological developments in communications, they developed a more systematic approach to propaganda in order to utilize these resources in mainstream foreign policy. Even in the age of the socalled rise of nationalism and diplomatic isolationism, Japan could neither afford not to respond to other states' actions nor to ignore international public opinion. In the diplomatic crises of the 1930s, Japan began to coordinate news and cultural propaganda activities, and integrated them into a broader propaganda scheme. Here we see the origin of what is now called public diplomacy. This modern and internationalist thinking then prepared the institutional base for wartime propaganda.
Ali Fisher
Abstract
The development of new technology has spawned different ideas and new approaches to engaging with people around the world. One such development is the ability to approach public diplomacy based on the methodology employed in the production of open-source software. This approach provides the means to engage with communities of other concerned actors, communicatae through human voices, place emphasis on understanding lessons from previous initiatives, and vitally engage on the bases of the interests of those communities. Ideas can no longer be seen as owned by a country; mass communication provides the means to see beyond national claims of unity. Recognizing this and embracing the means to engage with communities that are defined by ideology rather than physical borders provides the potential to render public diplomacy initiatives more relevant to the target audience and ultimately more influential.
Erik Goldstein
Abstract
State visits are one of the oldest forms of diplomatic contact between the leaders of states. Redolent of the pomp of previous ages, the modern era has seen a vertical rise in the frequency of state visits. This article examines the mechanics of the state visit and considers their purpose in contemporary diplomacy, as well as some of their unintended consequences.
Guy Olivier Faure
Abstract
Crisis negotiation has been burdened with an additional and most problematic task, that of dealing with terrorist issues. Negotiators must engage in a very peculiar type of diplomacy because, officially, states do not negotiate with terrorists. This track-II diplomacy involves an asymmetrical relationship between a state and an often nebulous and evasive group. Its management is most paradoxical, for the negotiation is a non-negotiation and the counterparts are the most unlikely of negotiators. This article analyses the very specific elements of such negotiation, in which the actors no longer play classical diplomatic roles but instead fulfil a much less urbane function that is embedded in the register of terror, even murder. It examines methods that are fundamentally alien to classical diplomacy because of the nature of the counterpart (who is not perceived as legitimate/equal), the issues at stake, the context, and the paradigms governing negotiating with terrorists, where psychological asymmetry and poor communication are basic attributes. Specific processes such as demonization and media management, as well as negotiation-effectiveness evaluation methods, are also studied. Two types of situations are finally investigated, those where discussions can take place immediately, such as hostage-taking via kidnapping or barricade hostage-taking, and those where the potential for negotiation must be created because the terrorists make no demands and consider their actions as strictly punitive.
Uffe Andreasen
Abstract
The Danish cartoon crisis was resurrected in Spring 2008 when the Mohammed cartoons were reprinted as an expression of solidarity following the revelation that definite death threats had been made to one of the cartoonists. During both crises the Danish government stuck to the principle of transparency and stood its ground, almost to excess, or so some thought. But the government's stance has possibly paid off, at least in the long run. A crisis situation is an inappropriate moment for a country to start a polemical discussion with its 'opposite number'. But as soon as things have quietened down, reconstruction work must take place. To stick one's head in the sand during this second phase is dangerous for a country's reputation. This article argues that the answer to this dilemma is to concentrate your counter-attack on the 'disputable area'. And the best method is to invite a meaningful dialogue.
Publication date: 1 January 2008
Issue 3
Issue 3 at Brill.comContents
Jodok Troy
Abstract
Religion has been largely absent in diplomacy, particularly in the Western world, for a long time. Some would even say since the Enlightenment. Moreover, religion has been ignored in present-day theories of international relations, and thus also in diplomatic studies. A recent 'resurgence' of religion in international affairs, however, presents an opportunity to apply moral insights and religious concepts towards the development of peaceful settlements of conflicts through diplomatic techniques. The approach of faith-based diplomatic approaches may infuse those insights into today's political reality, thereby incorporating important initiatives, such as reconciliation and forgiveness, into conflict resolution.This article examines the concept of faith-based diplomacy as declared track-two diplomacy in the context of classical track-one diplomacy. It starts with a brief overview of political science research of track-one and track-two diplomacy. Additional focus is applied to the principles and practices of Christian faith traditions and their potential contributions to peace-building. Finally, the article also evaluates the 'spiritual roots' of diplomacy. It assesses how 'diplomatic theory and practice can be informed and enriched by experimenting with spirituality'. The success of faith-based diplomacy lies in its insights and applications of religious values and methods. But it is also its realistic approach that makes faith-based diplomacy a promising, needed and additional style of diplomacy even though it cannot be properly located within either track-one or track-two diplomacy.
Skander Nasra
Abstract
The European integration process has altered the conditions under which national foreign policies in Europe are made. Departing from this assumption, this article explores whether and under what conditions a small EU member state can influence European foreign policy. To this end, the role that Belgium has played in the construction of European foreign policy towards the African Great Lakes is examined. This article argues that a small EU member state can significantly influence European foreign policy, resulting in reinforcement of its national foreign policy. Yet this influence is conditioned by two intertwined factors: the nature of EU involvement; and the characteristics of the Union's foreign policy system. Depending on these elements, a small member state can supersede the quantifiable notion of 'smallness' and actively shape the construction of European foreign policy.
Suzette Haughton
Abstract
The Shiprider Agreement — an important aspect of Jamaica-US bilateral diplomacy — represents the strength of diplomatic engagements that have been used to address the cross-border drug-trafficking problem. To substantiate this claim, this article examines the Jamaica-US Shiprider Agreement on three criteria.First, examining some examples of counter-drug cooperation before the Shiprider Agreement demonstrates that the fundamental basis for the Agreement is premised on a positive Jamaica-US relationship. This relationship, along with the stipulated obligations enshrined in the 1988 Vienna Convention, impelled the United States' proposal of the Shiprider Agreement. Second, the article uses complex interdependence theory to test the negotiation process and the outcome of the Agreement. Findings demonstrate that complex interdependence mainly confirms explanations of the foreign policy outcomes and diplomatic conduct displayed in the Jamaica-US Shiprider case. Finally, the article assesses the breakdown in the negotiation process and the initial implementation phase of the Agreement, arguing that this breakdown must be seen in context given the Agreement's successful ratification and its non-controversial continuation. The article concludes that despite the instances of breakdown, the birth and provision of the judicious Jamaica-US Shiprider Agreement owed much to the success of diplomacy.
Evan Potter and Daryl Copeland
Abstract
The case made in this article is threefold: that the resolution of conflicts in the twenty-first century will depend much more on the judicious use of soft rather than hard power; that the type of soft power exercised through public diplomacy will move increasingly from monologue to dialogue and collaboration; and that there is an increasing convergence of thinking both in defence departments and foreign ministries on the role of public diplomacy in resolving conflict in asymmetrical warfare. That convergence is expressed in this article's characterization of the 'guerrilla diplomat'.
Humayun Kabir
Abstract
Recent academic debate about public diplomacy has largely remained focused on the conduct of public diplomacy by developed countries. However, the process of winning hearts and minds through the practice of public diplomacy can also benefit many developing countries, particularly those suffering from either invisibility syndrome or associated with strong negative public perceptions. Despite the information revolution, many people do not know much about Bangladesh, and their ignorance leaves the door wide open to negative associations with a past of political unrest and natural disasters. Curing this 'invisibility syndrome' and its consequences has proved to be a challenge, despite Bangladesh's many creative and vibrant qualities and its record of putting them to good work abroad. This article provides a practitioner's overview of recent initiatives undertaken by Bangladesh's missions in Nepal and Australia in conducting a public diplomacy strategy to update the reputation of Bangladesh.
Publication date: 1 January 2008