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Don Weenink appointed as professor of Violence and Policing: ‘I am fascinated by how violence emerges’

Why do people commit violence? A question that may not occupy many minds, but one that Don Weenink has been researching for many years. Since 1 March, the sociologist has held the title of professor of Violence and Policing.

You worked for ten years at the University of Amsterdam. What led to the change?

'At the Department of Sociology, I developed a research line on violence. However, here at Leiden University, my research and teaching fit better into a broader context. At the UvA, I was one of the few social scientists researching violence. By the way, I have taught here before in the Master's track Governance of Violence.' 

That sounds like a great new challenge

'Yes, it's great to be here. I see more common ground here. For example, there is more emphasis on education as a shared responsibility. What's new for me is the direct connection between teaching and research. For instance, the research group on Violence and Violence Prevention, of which I am a part, offers a minor and a master's track.' 

Don Weenink, new professor of Violence and Policing

What are you focusing on at the moment?

'I am conducting research together with a colleague from VU on how European police organisations handle protest groups that refuse to adhere to agreements. For instance, they may gather in large numbers at a different location than initially planned. Sometimes, they harbour an anti-government sentiment. When police officers are seen as representatives of that despised government, it can increase the likelihood of violence against the police. 

Part of this anti-government sentiment appears to be a lingering effect of resistance to COVID-related measures. There also seems to be a rise in new, inexperienced protest groups, which makes it more challenging for the police to manage demonstrations effectively. The question is how this will develop in the Netherlands. Unfortunately, some people believe that, in order to achieve a higher goal, any means are justified.'

Do you speak to these individuals for your research?

'No, but we did speak to them after the riots in Rotterdam in 2021 around the Coolsingel. I think that’s still a trauma for the Rotterdam police. A crowd unexpectedly gathered, some armed with heavy fireworks, and the police were heavily outnumbered. This led to very frightening situations for the police.'

Personal life

Don Weenink (56) lives in Nijmegen. He is married and has two sons. One of his great passions is music; he loves jazz and is a drummer. He also enjoys running in the beautiful surroundings.

How did the violence come about?

Young people who threw stones mentioned that they felt their presence in public spaces like the Coolsingel was conditional for others, particularly the police. They felt they were only accepted as long as they explicitly demonstrated that they were behaving properly. This was especially true for boys who visibly belong to an ethnic minority. They feel unjustly controlled more often and are indeed more frequently singled out by the police. There were also hooligans among them who have a strained or even hostile relationship with the police.

'Boys who visibly belong to an ethnic minority feel unjustly controlled more often and are indeed more frequently singled out.'

You might think: that's no justification for violence. True, but in order to explain violence, you need to try to understand what motivates the perpetrators. And that's where a moral judgment gets in the way. For both groups, the situation was a turning point: now we are dominant, and this space is ours. In video footage, you can see euphoria and dominance: we have won.'

But not everyone resorts to violence?

‘Not everyone resorts to violence under the same circumstances. It's usually men who have some level of familiarity with violence, in one form or another. This can range from street violence, domestic abuse, or experience in kickboxing, and all of these experiences reinforce each other.

'Anyone can throw a kick, but how accurate are you?'

What I argue is that those who resort to violence first are typically accustomed to intimidating others and using force. Take kicking a riot police officer as an example. Anyone can throw a kick, but how accurate are you? How do you know the impact of your kick, what it will do to the other person? If you haven’t used violence regularly, you wouldn’t know that. And then there’s an excited crowd. The larger the crowd, the lower the chance of being hit (besides the chance of being caught): how likely is it that the riot police can actually harm me? In this case, the chance was small. And for some, that removes the barriers, making it easier to throw fireworks, for example.'

After all the research into group behaviour, are you aware of how you behave in a group?

‘Yes, and I think it's always been like that, actually. That’s probably where part of the fascination comes from. One example: today, I taught about my research into a very extreme form of violence, lynchings in Pakistan—also a group process. How is it that a group doesn’t intervene, approves of the murder and mutilation of an individual who can't defend themselves? How can they even encourage and deem it necessary?

'This is a form of law enforcement, not by the police, but by civilians'

The perpetrators and the bystanders believe they are appropriately punishing the alleged wrongs of the victim and upholding moral order. It’s as if they see themselves as engaging in a moral trash collection service. While this may sound incredibly disrespectful to the victims who meet a horrific end, it is still an example of trying to understand the meaning the perpetrators attribute to their actions. The accusations leading to such public executions are often based on very weak evidence, on rumours.

What is regarded as criminal varies from society to society—take blasphemy, for instance. This is a form of law enforcement, not by the police, but by civilians. I have long been fascinated by such processes, though I haven’t always studied them as research subjects.'

'How is it that a group doesn't intervene, approves of the murder and mutilation?'

Where does that fascination come from?

'I experienced significant violence in the nightlife during my youth. I think that has left its mark on me. Like a friend who was beaten up, or situations I narrowly escaped from. Even then, I thought to myself: what's really going on here?

Just recently, I was standing on the sidelines during one of my son's football matches. One of the parents from our club was insulting the linesman. I told him he shouldn’t be doing that. The sense of morality and group mentality is strong: 'You, as the linesman, are treating us unfairly; you're intentionally applying the rules wrong.' It’s really surprising to me how deeply people get affected by this. You see it in so many different situations and places.'

'I experienced a lot of violence in the nightlife during my youth.'

This is, however, about verbal violence

‘Yes, then we come to the question: what is violence? People can be deeply hurt by verbal intimidation, and prolonged bullying can lead to lifelong trauma. But is that a scientific reason to call it violence? Should you define violence based on the harm caused to someone? Even the death of the victim is not an absolute measure, because sometimes, like in lynchings, the violence doesn't stop when the victim has died.’

Videos: impending violence is often announced

‘What strikes me about the many videos of violent incidents I have analysed is that people often announce impending violence. They say things like 'call me that one more time' or 'touch me'. When people resort to physical violence, they usually no longer have the time to express themselves verbally. There are more pressing matters demanding their attention. You could say they are literally speechless; they no longer have the opportunity to give meaning to what they are doing with words, though I do not mean to imply that their actions have become irrational.’

‘It’s important to be precise when conducting research. In our research group, we primarily study physical violence. For me, it’s about causing harm and pain to another person’s body with the aim of ending or changing their behaviour. It is the control of another person’s body in a way that causes physical, emotional, and mental harm.’

What are your plans?

'My new research funded by the European Research Council (ERC) Advanced Grant on conflicts in public spaces between police and citizens in Paris, Berlin, and London starts in April. The central question is how conflict eventually transforms into one-sided violence, where one party continues to use violence. Another question is how people involved in conflict try to emotionally affect the other, how they provoke with words? And how this swearing highlights social divides, such as gender, ethnic, racial, and class differences. I think there are some differences between the three cities in this regard.'

Finally, is there anything important you'd like to share?

'In my opinion, there is still too little research in the social sciences that shows what people actually do. Especially when it comes to violence, it is instructive to look at the practice: why do people do the things they do? How does violence begin, how does it transform, and how does it end? These are the questions you can ask, and the answers to them provide tools for intervention.'

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